400 years on: How the 1622
Battle of Macao unfolded
Several times in the first volume of Capital (“Das Kapital” in the German original), the
only one he edited during his lifetime, in 1867, Karl Marx very critically recalls the history
of the Dutch East India Company, the famous VOC (1602-1799). The “Genesis of the
Industrial Capitalist” book chapter presents the VOC as the first modern capitalist
company in the history of the world, and denounces the violence and massive exploitation
that this Dutch trade organization brought to Southeast Asia: “dripping from head to foot,
from every pore, with blood and dirt.” Further, in the final chapters of the volume that are
dedicated to his fundamental thesis on the “primitive accumulation of capital,” Marx
mentions Dutch colonialism in Asia several times to illustrate his famous theory on the
emergence of modern industrial capitalism from the colonial looting of overseas
populations and resources: “The discovery of gold and silver in America, the extirpation,
enslavement and entombment in mines of the aboriginal population, the beginning of the
conquest and looting of the East Indies, the turning of Africa into a warren for the
commercial hunting of black-skins, signaled the rosy dawn of the era of capitalist
production. These idyllic proceedings are the chief momenta of primitive accumulation.”
From Marx’s perspective, the VOC was indeed one of the leading examples of this
process of invention for modern industrial capitalism, wherein even a small European
nation could be transformed into a vibrant colonial power: “The treasures captured outside
Europe by undisguised looting, enslavement, and murder, floated back to the mothercountry and were there turned into capital.” In consequence, the pages of Das Kapital show
no sympathy for the expansion of Dutch commerce in the Asian seas and ports where the
so-called Portuguese eastern maritime empire had been established in the 16th century.
Marx stresses that the history of Dutch rule in Asia was “one of the most extraordinary
relations of treachery, bribery, massacre, and meanness.” This genius 19th-century German
philosopher proved these harsh words with a well-known historical example in the study
of the decline of the Portuguese commercial presence in the Orient during the 17th century,
namely, the Dutch conquest of Malacca, the keystone to the riches of Southeast Asia and
the South China seas. According to Marx, to secure Malacca, the Dutch corrupted the
Portuguese governor, who then let them into the town in early 1641. They hurried at once
to his house and assassinated the governor to “abstain” from paying £21,875, the price for
his treason. “Wherever the Dutch VOC set foot”, Marx conclusively remarks, “devastation,
and depopulation followed. Banjuwangi, a province of Java, in 1750 numbered over 80,000
inhabitants, in 1811, only 8,000. Sweet commerce!”
"1622 Battle of Macau”, oil on canvas, 2021 (private collection) - Artwork by Konstantin Bessmertny
Unfortunately, in Capital and his other very voluminous works, Marx did not leave us
any notes about Macau and its extraordinary historical importance in the intermediation
of world trade from the late 16th century to the early 19th century. He ignores the fact that
the history of the VOC in the eastern seas was not just a series of conquests but also
included some dramatic setbacks. One of their most important setbacks was the defeat of
the Dutch attempt to invade and occupy Macau, which was utterly thwarted after
frustrated naval attacks and deadly land clashes on 24 June 1622, the day consecrated to
Saint John the Baptist in the Catholic Church liturgical calendar.
During this period, from 1580 to 1640, Portugal was ruled by Spanish kings in a dual
monarchy system that became known as the Iberian Union. Soon, Portuguese cities,
fortresses, and trading posts throughout Asia, including Macau, inherited the usual
enemies of the Spanish empire: the English and the Dutch. It is therefore worth
remembering that the seven United Provinces of the Netherlands, with around 1.5 million
inhabitants, achieved independence through a revolt against Spain in 1581, the same year
that Philip II was officially sworn king of Portugal by the assembly of nobles, clergy, and
representatives of the Portuguese towns (“Cortes”) gathered in Tomar. Then, precisely
through the creation of the VOC in 1602, and the West India Company (GWC) later in 1621,
they found the means to guarantee the abundant overseas commercial incomes needed to
consolidate their political, economic, and military naval power. In the early decades of the
17th century, the Dutch fleet reached 2,000 ships, at the time more than the combined
navies of England and France, and brought together professional navigators and pilots and
militias associating Dutch soldiers with mercenaries from the various parts of Northern
Europe, all united by the same protestant opposition to Roman Catholicism and imperial
Habsburg Spain. From its inauguration as a modern for-profit shared company, the VOC
was not only a trade corporation but also a powerful instrument of global maritime war
against the Spanish Empire and the Iberian Union.
Arriving in the East to compete with and conquer the Portuguese and Spanish
settlements in the early 17th century, the VOC established its capital in Jayakarta in 1619,
changing its name to Batavia. After that, the growing city-port developed following the
urban mercantile pattern of Amsterdam. From Batavia, the VOC trade and military fleet
quickly identified Macau as a central trade platform to access rich Chinese trading factories
and to attack Manila, the Spanish stronghold in the region with its trade connections to
the American New Spain. Even before the establishment of Batavia, the Dutch had attacked
Portuguese trade ships nearby Macau in 1601, 1603, and 1607 but didn’t attempt to directly
assault the Sino-Portuguese enclave.
In 1614, Jan Pieterszoon Coen (1587-1629) became firmly installed in Batavia, first as
director-general of all VOC trade factories and then governor-general from 1618 to 1623 and
from 1624 to 1629, respectively. Having received mercantile training in Rome, he entered
the VOC in 1607, working as a junior and, later, senior merchant to accumulate critical
global trading experience. Coen promoted a militant policy based on his sinister motto:
Dispereert niet, ontsiet uwe vyanden niet (Do not despair, do not spare your enemy).
Accordingly, he maintained that Portuguese and Spanish competition in the Eastern seas
should be eliminated by force, a hard strategy that brought him ongoing conflicts with
VOC’s board of directors, the Heren (or Gentlemen) XVII, who generally preferred to
achieve trade profits through less violent and less costly adventures. Nonetheless, in 1621,
Coen ordered a final very expensive attack on the Banda Islands with the help of Japanese
mercenaries, aiming to control the prosperous nutmeg trade of the archipelago. The result
was the massacre of the Bandanese: about 2,800 were killed, 1,700 enslaved, and around
1,000 exiled to Batavia as an indentured workforce. This violent conquest resounded in the
region and especially among the Portuguese and Spanish that had trading factories in the
spice islands.
Jan Pieterszoon Coen, Anonymous, (c. 1650, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam)
Preparing to conquer Macao
In the same year, Coen started preparing a violent military action to attack and occupy
Macau with three main commercial and political goals: controlling the Chinese junk trade
to Batavia; removing the Portuguese from the Macau-Nagasaki silver trade, where the
Dutch had set up a competing trade through Firando, off Kyushu Island in 1611; and building
through the Macanese peninsula a robust military naval base to attack the Manila-Acapulco
galleons trade. The VOC had gathered information on Macau through different sources,
including Portuguese documents collected in maritime attacks, several inquiries done
among Chinese traders in Batavia, and English reports. Coen believed that Macau would
not be able to resist an invasion led by a dozen strongly armed ships and a military force of
1,000-1,500 motivated men. On April 10, 1622, the Coen sponsored fleet left Batavia with his
clear orders to attack and occupy Macau. It comprised of eight vessels loaded with modern
artillery, transporting 1,024 men under the command of Captain Cornelis Reijersen. This
captain kept a detailed journal of the expedition following an ongoing general obligation
for recording these maritime expeditions, as decreed by the VOC directors in 1617.
Battle of Macao, Johan Nieuhof (1665, Peace Palace, the Hague, Netherlands)
At the end of May, the fleet attacked two Portuguese trading vessels in Southern
Vietnamese waters and also received reinforcements, including an additional three ships
and 100 men. On June 20, the expedition reached the roadstead of Macau near the Taipa
islands, where two Dutch and two English ships had previously tried to blockade Macau
without success. However, Coen's orders were clear and while English naval cooperation
could be accepted, they had to be excluded from Macau's conquest and occupation. The
finally assembled invasion force included 13 ships and a military force of 600 European
soldiers, 100 Bandanese, and tens of other Malay-Indonesian, Bengalese, and Japanese
mercenaries.
On June 23, Reijerson and other captains reconnoitered the city from afar to identify
the best landing spot, which was acknowledged to be the Cacilhas bay area in the outer
harbor. In the evening, three Dutch ships engaged in an artillery fight against the bulwark
of São Francisco at the entry of the Inner Harbor but, being damaged, retreated later in the
night. At the June 24 sunrise, two other vessels restarted the attack on the São Francisco
bastion but again withdrew with heavy losses. The land invasion began at the Cacilhas sand
beach, where hundreds of attackers debarked from 32 barges. A small Portuguese force of
around 150 men led by António Rodrigues Cavalinho, a prominent trader from the
Macanese municipal elite, fired against the invaders, seriously hurting captain Cornelis
Reijersen who was evacuated to his ship. The Dutch and the mercenaries were then headed
by a captain Ruffijn, whom the “Portuguese” defenders strategically enticed up to the slopes
of the Guia Hill. Here, in an area known as Fontinha, due to its natural water springs falling
from the mountain, the Dutch force was furiously attacked by artillery shots from the
Monte fortress, which was still under construction, and by a varied mosaic of militiamen,
including retired Portuguese soldiers from the State of India who had married and settled
in Macau, Eurasian traders and their domestic servants, local and maritime Chinese,
Spanish merchants and their Tagalog helpers, and hundreds of African slaves. They
violently dispatched the invaders, immediately killing captain Rufijn and hundreds of
Dutch militiamen and their mercenaries. Dutch sources recognized the loss of 180 men,
hundreds of injured, and the loss of most of the landed military equipment, including
several canons. Some Portuguese sources suggest 300 Dutch were killed and hundreds
captured, while Spanish documents from the Manila governor increase the enemy deceased
to 800!
Map of Macao by Pedro Barreto de Resende (c. 1635), Évora Library
The great defeat
Immediately after the heavy Dutch defeat, a process of textual representation of the
victory started among the Portuguese winners, while the Dutch losers also produced a long
process of justification for the failure. Over a decade, tens of Dutch reports and documents,
including tough inquiries among the survivors, were produced. Since the VOC losses in
men and equipment were very high, the Dutch defeat in Macau was not tolerable for a
profit-making trade company.
The Portuguese from Macau produced three main immediate representations of the
victorious event with some strategic divergences and diverse distribution of heroic decisive
leadership. The first, entitled in Spanish Relación de la Vitoria, was printed in both Lisbon
and Madrid in 1623. It was probably written by a Jesuit visitor to the Macau missions, the
Portuguese father Jerónimo Rodrigues (1567-1628), who explained to European Catholic
readers that the Dutch defeat was a Jesuit feat since the missionaries themselves led the
Macanese attack against the “heretical” invasion. During this period, the Dominicans, who
had settled in Macau from Manila since 1587, and were already criticizing the Jesuit
missionary accommodation strategies for entering China, produced their own
interpretation of the Dutch defeat. The Portuguese friar António do Rosário wrote an
explanation of the victory extolling the leadership of the city's captain, who was also the
Captain of the Japanese voyage, one Lopo Sarmento de Carvalho, but his text remained just
a manuscript.
Subsequently, the Jesuit account spread and grew by mobilizing the extensive world
network of the powerful religious congregation. Later, the 17th and 18th-century Jesuit
chronicles, including Father Manuel Xavier 's account and other apologetic texts, added
their convenient hero: the Italian Father Giacomo Rho (1593-1638), a renamed astronomer
and expert in artillery as most epochal Jesuit missionaries in China, who fired during the
battle a straight cannon shot from Fortaleza do Monte. Some versions explain that this shot
destroyed the Dutch ammunition carrier creating tremendous despair, while others say
that it even exploded the Dutch admiral ship, thus securing the fatal victory over the
invaders.
The Dutch VOC sources, including the previously referred expedition journal of
Reijerson, give a very different account. Being aware that round numbers in these texts are
not accurate figures but rather nouns, and numeric “words” always ending in two zeros
normally express “many,” the Dutch documents based on several witnesses of the events
naturally decreased their forces and increased the mobilization of the Macau defenders.
The sources agree that there were very few white Portuguese fighters during the land
confrontations. The Dutch were mainly attacked by hundreds of black slaves unable to fight
as European “gentlemen” but who pitilessly slaughtered the Dutch soldiers, thus behaving
as “savages.” Some documents from the VOC archives even suggest that the Portuguese
had purposely drugged their slaves, who then barbarically injured, killed, and beheaded
the surprised Dutch officials and soldiers. All the witnesses who had participated in the
combat and were questioned for several years by VOC agents finally agreed that a European
army couldn’t easily oppose the enormous animalistic brutality of the hundreds of African
slaves, who outnumbered the Dutch forces.
The Portuguese sources only mention the role of the kaffirs (“cafres,” in Portuguese”)
without any special emphasis or figures. However, several accounts refer that most of their
owners immediately freed many of them after the great victory. The “Portuguese”
representations, but written in Castilian, also agree that the slaves beheaded many Dutch,
which was interpreted as a kind of triumphal celebration of the day of Saint John the Baptist
enabling the invasion to be violently defeated. Civil and religious authorities in the
following years agreed to make June 24th the city’s day and an observant Catholic holiday
in honor of the miraculous intercession of John the Baptist. Memories of foreigners who
visited Macau in the years following the victory described the religious and profane
festivities of that day, including a devotional pilgrimage to a stone cross erected on the site
of Fontinha and even theatrical performances made by children who studied with the
Jesuits, which memorialized the great victory on the day of Saint John the Baptist with
miniatures of boats and war scenarios.
Much later, in 1871, the Leal Senado of Macau erected a public monument
commemorating the battle, in the style of the 19th-century national memory realms, that
still stands today, naming the local public garden “Vitória” (Victory). A column surmounted
by the Portuguese royal arms displays a large inscription on the stone body that
summarizes the triumph of the 24th of June 1622, but not without some manipulation
dictated by the growing anti-British nationalism of the Portuguese colonial commercial
bourgeoisie in the late 19th century. In the case of Macau, they wrongly accused the British
colony of Hong Kong as the primary cause of the economic decline of the PortugueseChinese city; consequently, the name of the Dutch captain Cornelis Reijersen was engraved
as “Roggers” on the monument!
Victory Monument in Macao inaugurated in 1871
The role of Mozambican slaves
A historian researching these diverse narrative representations and studying the
available epochal documentation about the Macau battle of June 24, 1622, must clearly
acknowledge from Portuguese, Dutch and Spanish sources that the invading VOC forces
could not have been defeated by the limited number of local Portuguese and Eurasian
Macanese – some of whom were out of the enclave to trade in Canton during a seasonal
fair, and others, about one hundred, who had been recruited for the war against the
Manchu – without the mobilization of the hundreds of African slaves in the enclave. The
kaffirs of the Jesuit and Dominican descriptions were mainly Macuas and Macondes from
Mozambique transported annually by the hundreds in the trade boats from the “carreira
da Índia” to Goa, Malacca, and Macau. In the early 1600s, there were already 2,000 black
slaves in Malacca and 1,000 in Macau. Unloved in the East, their only prospect of a tolerable
existence was to identify themselves as closely as they could with their Portuguese masters.
In Macau, these African slaves constituted the private militias of wealthy Portuguese and
Eurasian merchants, and they did the heaviest work from artillery foundry to bakery, and
were diligent domestic servants carrying water daily to their owners’ households, from
which they also emptied the wastes, ensuring cleanliness and security. They were often
mobilized by the Portuguese municipal government and other institutions for policing and
repression activities, being greatly feared by the local Chinese population, as several foreign
travelers have witnessed. Some wealthy traders, owners of several houses, warehouses, and
ships, easily kept private militias of 20 to 30 black African slaves. But they could also be
easily found working hard in religious convents and monasteries, hospitals, and in the
powerful local Misericórdia, taking care of dangerous and dirty activities with the sick,
injured, and lepers. Most of them were allowed to carry their “indigenous” weapons when
working outside their domestic households, as the defeated Dutch had witnessed with
surprise when they faced longbows, assegai spears, and massive axes in the Macau battle.
Traditional history has generally forgotten these subaltern groups and has always
preferred to praise the more powerful classes and their dominant heroes that sponsored
the written narrative and documentary accounts. Still, the very rich and capitalist VOC has
fully documented that it lost the battle of June 24, 1622, at the hands of the unexpectedly
brave black militiamen who were African Portuguese slaves living, working, and protecting
the small Christian part of the Chinese peninsula baptized as “City of the Name of God”.
After their tragic defeat in Macau, the remains of the Dutch fleet attacked the main
Pescadores Island, Peng-hu, off the Taiwan coast, building a fortified trading post there in
the following months. In July 1624, a large Chinese fleet sent by the governor of Fujian laid
siege to this new VOC base and forced the Dutch to withdraw to the south of Taiwan, where
they later founded the famous Fort Zeelandia, their main stronghold in the region for
almost four decades up to 1662. However, this costly position only gave the VOC a very
indirect link to the Chinese markets since the imperial government officially forbade any
commerce on the island. In parallel, the Spanish from Manila occupied the Northern areas
of Formosa in 1626 to protect the Macau-Manila trade from any further Dutch attacks. After
17 years of occupation, the last Spanish fortress on the island fell to Dutch forces in 1642,
thus enlarging the VOC control over large parts of Taiwan but without significant impacts
on access to the South China trade.
In this context, the old dream of occupying Macau was not dead among the VOC
leaders in Batavia. It was revived in the early 1640s when the Spanish empire faced several
difficulties, including the Portuguese Restoration Revolution and the Catalan Rebellion,
leading to further revolts in Naples and Sicily, all in the well-known context of the ongoing
Dutch War of independence that lasted up to 1648. The novel project for a VOC attack on
Macau became a personal goal of a former protégé of Jan Pieterszoon Coen, Antonio van
Diemen (1593-1645), when he became governor-general in Batavia in 1635, and especially
after the victorious Dutch occupation of “Portuguese” Malacca on January 14, 1641. A young
merchant installed in Amsterdam, van Diemen was bankrupted around 1616 and then
enrolled as a simple soldier in the VOC, and using a fake name, reached Batavia. He soon
became appreciated and supported by Coen, who appointed him to the important positions
of commercial director and member of the Indies’ Council in 1626. During his decade of
governorship, van Diemen widely expanded the VOC trading territories in the Indian
Ocean and Southeast Asia at the expense of Portuguese settlements. Between 1636 and 1639,
the governor-general promoted the blockade of Goa by VOC ships enabling the Company
to gain a foothold in Wingurla, on the Malabar coast, thus reaching the profitable pepper
trade, albeit the move brought the Company few immediate advantages and a lot of
expenses. In May 1638, the VOC was established in Ceylon by occupying the Portuguese
settlement of Batticaloa and later, in 1640, Galle. This same year, van Diemen sent his own
envoys to Japan supporting the well-known arrest and killing of most of the members of
the trade embassy sent in July to Nagasaki by the Leal Senado of Macau, thus definitively
ending Portuguese trade to the Japanese islands.
Empowered, respected, and feared after the conquest of Malacca, van Diemen started
personally preparing the military and financial conditions to gather a powerful fleet able to
attack Macau successfully. It seems that most resources and ships were already in place in
the early months of 1642 when the governor-general received a Portuguese envoy from the
Viceroy in Goa who announced that, after the Lisbon Restoration Revolution, on December
1, 1640, Portugal and the Dutch General States had formally signed a ten-year peace treaty
on June 12, 1641, that even included navy help to the new Bragança dynasty war against
Spain. The envoy was immediately arrested in Batavia, but van Diemen received orders
from the Dutch States to respect the peace agreement with Portugal in the following
months. The proposed attack on Macau was abandoned, and the powerful fleet was used
to consolidate VOC control of the small Moluccas’ spice islands rich in cloves and nutmeg.
If the projected new attack on Macau had taken place, the VOC fleet would have been
surprised to see that large fortresses strongly protected the city from the prominent hills.
They were full of artillery authorized by the Chinese regional authorities to target the sea.
The “Christian” town was also surrounded by a solid wall that was paradoxically built by
the hundreds of Dutch prisoners from the June 24, 1622, defeat.
It would have been almost impossible in the 1640s to conquer the solid Macanese
citadel from the sea since land access through the small peninsula isthmus was wholly
controlled by the Chinese empire and firmly closed to European access. Moreover, the
Dutch would also certainly face fearful Chinese official and private opposition because the
imperial authorities preferred a Sino-Portuguese harbor based on open trade and mutual
benefits rather than VOC commercial monopolies for, according to Marx, achieving that
famous “primitive accumulation of capital” based on colonial resources, trade, and people
heavy exploitation. Ironically, Batavia finally accessed the profitable trade in South China
thanks to Macanese traders and ships. From the second half of the 17th century on, following
the ratification of the political truce between Portugal and the Dutch Republic, the Leal
Senado of Macau decided to sponsor every year three to four ships for trading in Batavia
loaded with Chinese tea and other goods sold against silver and spices. Usually, one or two
of these vessels would navigate from Batavia to the Solor-Timor islands controlled by local
Portuguese Eurasians – the famous “topassen” or “black-Portuguese” of the Dutch – to
charge sandalwood, slaves, and beeswax. The latter was profitably sold in the return voyage
immediately in Batavia for the Javanese batik industries, while sandalwood had a huge
fruitful demand in China. In a final perspective, the Marxian “sweet commerce” was really
the expertise of Macau and its ductile traders in the 17th century, consolidating its
fundamental role as a trading platform between China productions and Asian markets.
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Ivo Carneiro de Sousa
(revised from “Macao News” June 24, 2022)